Well, it looks like the bloom is off the rose, she is getting Colin Powelled hard.
But funding the federal government isn’t a win for Democrats any more than it’s a “surrender” for Republicans - it’s what government is supposed to do.
Raising the debt ceiling isn’t a win for Democrats any more than it’s a “surrender” for Republicans - it is routinely done in the usual course of government business.
Here’s what this is in a nutshell: Boehner and the Republicans demand that Obama “talk” and “negotiate” with them, while Boehner’s got Obama tied up and he’s holding a gun to his head. Obama’s asking Boehner if he’d be so kind as to drop the gun and untie him, and then they can talk. Boehner refuses, because untying him and dropping the gun would amount to unilateral surrender.
The rope is the shutdown - the gun is the debt limit. They demand that Obama “negotiate” under duress. It violates every concept of good faith and fair play. It is unconscionable.
This isn’t business as usual. This is a Constitutional crisis - a borderline coup. Sedition by another name.
The environmental advocacy group 350.org is petitioning the World Meteorological Organization to name hurricanes after politicians who are skeptical or dismissive of manmade climate change.
“The campaign, at climatenamechange.org, kicks off with a video that brings the proposed naming system to life and features prominent climate deniers like Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) and House Speaker John Boehner (R-OH),” the 350.org press release says.
The campaign is odd on a couple of counts.
1) The World Meteorological Organization (WMO) has a pre-set list of names that it rotates every six years. It only adds a new name into the cycle on the rare occasion a storm is “retired.” For a storm to be retired, it must cause extreme damage and/or loss of life (e.g. Katrina and Sandy). So, in the next several years, there are likely to be just a few opportunities for any politicians’ names to be considered for the list!
House Speaker John A. Boehner said Sunday that fixing the nation’s fiscal problems, not its immigration laws, was his top priority, as the most comprehensive proposal in a generation to overhaul the immigration system languishes in the Republican-controlled House.
Republicans are unlikely to approve any immigration-related bills before they leave Washington at the end of the month for the August recess. Many top GOP leaders, however, believe addressing the issue is vital to the party’s ability to remain relevant among voters, including the growing Latino electorate. And influential business leaders and religious groups aligned with Republicans are prepared to turn up the heat in public campaigns to prod them to act.
Boehner, however, has appeared unswayed by the political momentum behind the bipartisan Senate bill, and even after talking last week with President Obama he instead wants the House to take its time.
The speaker also dismissed critics who have said this Congress has been among the most unproductive in years and defended the House’s decision to hold dozens of votes to repeal the nation’s 2010 healthcare law — bills that are almost certain never to become law.
“We should not be judged on how many new laws we create. We ought to be judged on how many laws that we repeal,” he said.
Then, if they both fail, hang that around the neck of Boehner and the GOP.
Whether there’s an immigration reform bill or not depends to a large degree on how House Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) chooses to run the House. But if there is going to be an immigration reform bill, it won’t be Boehner’s show alone.
As Boehner effectively acknowledged Thursday, passing legislation that could conceivably become consensus comprehensive immigration reform will require both Democratic and Republican votes. And that means Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) will have tremendous sway over what the House produces.
But for now Pelosi’s being cautious with that power. Though she’s urged Republicans to pass a single, bipartisan comprehensive immigration reform bill, and to move with deliberate haste, she’s stopped short of nixing the process the GOP has chosen to move immigration legislation and is even tolerant of the rhetorical games Republicans are playing as they try to cobble together a majority for provisions dealing with the 11 million immigrants currently in the country illegally.
But if the GOP position on immigration reform goes the same way as the farm bill, Boehner will have to either get out of the way of the Senate bill or just do nothing, and compound the party’s growing problem with hispanic voters.
It’s easy to imagine him doing nothing if the bill in question had passed the Senate with all Democrats and six or seven RINOs. And he may do nothing anyhow. But he’ll have a lot more cover if 15 or 20 Senate Republicans have vouched for it.
In a private meeting with the Congressional Hispanic Caucus on Wednesday, Boehner cited the farm bill process to describe how he intended to move immigration reform through the House, according to Rep. Jim Costa (D-Calif.).
Conservatives have been pressuring Boehner to adhere to the unwritten “Hastert Rule” — named after former Speaker Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.) — that says no bill should come to the House floor unless it has the backing of a majority of a chamber’s majority party.
Rohrabacher said if Boehner moves forward with a vote on immigration reform without a Republican majority, it would be a “betrayal” of his party.
“I would consider that a betrayal of the Republican members of the House and a betrayal of the Republicans throughout the country,” Rohrabacher said on World Net Daily radio. “If Boehner moves forward … and permits this to come to a vote even though the majority of Republicans in the House — and that’s if they do — oppose what’s coming to a vote, he should be removed as Speaker.”
Speaker John Boehner remains on thin ice with the fringe neophyte Republicans who’ve taken over the House. Speaking to Paul Kane at the Washington Post, Republicans privately suggested that the upcoming battles will test Boehner’s power and reveal whether it’s time for him to go. “This is a big summer and fall, a test for all concerned,” said Rep. Tom Cole (R-OK), a close Boehner ally.
Some conservatives are talking about circulating a petition to impose an internal rule forbidding Boehner from advancing legislation that does not have majority support in the Republican Conference, a restriction that would have torpedoed the fiscal cliff bill.
House Speaker John Boehner, who by title and position should be the second most powerful person in Washington, sure doesn’t seem or sound like it.
He has little ability to work his will with fellow House Republicans. He has quit for good his solo efforts to craft a grand bargain on taxes and spending. And he hasn’t bothered to initiate a substantive conversation with President Barack Obama in this calendar year.
“You’re missing my style, all right?” Boehner told us in an interview. “I don’t need to be out there beating the drum every day. My job as the leader is to build my team, encourage my members, help provide leadership to my members and committee chairs and let the institution work.
“It doesn’t need the heavy hand of the speaker all over everything.”
His style, in short, is not lean in. Or lean on. It’s lean back — and wait.
So, yes, Boehner by recent historic standards and measures is a relatively weak speaker right now. But, in fairness, it’s not clear a more bullying or forceful leader would fare much better with this gang of Republicans or in this dysfunctional Congress